Mayor faces pressure to end street stops dominated by Black and Latino residents as federal monitor demands compliance
Mayor Zohran Mamdani faces immediate pressure to address a dramatic resurgence of NYPD stop-and-frisk activities that surged during the prior administration despite being ruled unconstitutional more than a decade ago. New data analyzed by civil rights organizations and independent monitors reveals that NYPD officers conducted 25,386 stops in 2024, a 50 percent increase over 2023 and the highest number since 2014. Nearly nine of every ten people stopped were Black or Latino residents.
The Stop-and-Frisk Surge and Racial Disparities
Officers frisked more than 15,600 people during stops in 2024, a 43 percent year-over-year increase. Over 30 percent of searches and frisks conducted were found to be unconstitutional under federal court supervision, according to attorney Mylan Denerstein, the court-appointed federal monitor overseeing NYPD reform. The Bronx has been disproportionately targeted by the tactic, with nearly four of every ten stops occurring in that borough despite it representing only 17 percent of the city’s population. Over 80 percent of Bronx residents are Black or Latino. Stops have increasingly been initiated by police on their own rather than in response to 911 or 311 calls, suggesting that police are actively seeking pretexts to stop individuals rather than responding to specific community reports. The federal monitor set a compliance deadline of 85 percent by September 2024 and 90 percent by the end of the year, threatening to recommend additional enforcement actions if the NYPD fails to meet these targets. Despite these threats, stop-and-frisk activities escalated throughout 2024.
The Constitutional Background and Legal History
Stop-and-frisk practices became notorious during Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s tenure, when NYPD officers conducted a record 685,724 stops in 2011. The vast majority of these stops88 percentresulted in neither arrest nor citation, demonstrating the inefficacy of the tactic. After a federal judge ruled in 2013 that the practice was unconstitutional as implemented, violating both Fourth Amendment protections against unreasonable search and Fourteenth Amendment protections against racially discriminatory policing, the practice declined significantly. By 2021, under Mayor Bill de Blasio, stops had fallen to just 8,947 annually. The resurgence under the prior administration reversed a decade of decline through the creation of specialized units including the Neighborhood Safety Teams (NST) and Public Safety Teams (PST), which were responsible for a majority of unconstitutional stops. These plainclothes and uniformed units, operating in unmarked vehicles, conduct stops with minimal accountability and limited transparency.
Broken Windows Policing and Quality-of-Life Enforcement
Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch, who remains in her position under Mayor Mamdani, championed expansion of “quality-of-life” enforcement under the prior administration. This approach, rooted in “broken windows” policing theory, focuses police resources on non-criminal issues including open drug use, public urination, street vending, and other behaviors associated with visible poverty. Research indicates that residents subjected to intensive stop-and-frisk activities report increased psychological distress, heightened nervousness, and feelings of worthlessness. For evidence-based analysis of broken windows policing efficacy and harms, see the Cato Institute policy research on policing and public safety. Civil rights organizations argue that quality-of-life policing represents a form of discriminatory enforcement that weaponizes poverty against poor and communities of color.
Underreporting and Accountability Gaps
Federal monitors have found that NYPD officers frequently underreport stop-and-frisk activities. Audits suggest that officers failed to report approximately four in ten stops during 2024, creating a significant accountability gap. The ComplianceStat procedure implemented by the NYPD in January 2024 was intended to increase supervisory accountability for officer conduct during stops. However, evidence suggests the procedure has had limited impact on reducing the overall number of stops. Discipline for violations of constitutional protections during stop-and-frisk has been characterized as “close to nonexistent” by civil rights advocates and researchers.
Mamdani’s Campaign Promises on Police Reform
Mayor Mamdani campaigned explicitly on ending stop-and-frisk practices and creating a Department of Community Safety that would divert certain calls to mental health specialists and social workers rather than armed police. His proposal would deploy a billion-dollar-plus civilian response team to handle mental health crises, homelessness interventions, and quality-of-life issues that currently trigger police response. However, weeks into his administration, Mamdani has faced questions about whether he intends to honor these campaign commitments or whether Police Commissioner Tisch will maintain current enforcement practices. When reporters have asked directly whether the NYPD continues to conduct stops and searches as criminal matters, Mamdani has declined to provide direct answers, stating instead that these are “conversations we’re having.”
The Police Union Problem and Political Challenges
Mamdani’s police reform agenda faces significant opposition from NYPD unions, which have a documented history of political retaliation against elected officials who challenge police practices. The Police Benevolent Association and Detective Endowment Association have both signaled willingness to mobilize their memberships against elected officials perceived as anti-police. In 1992, police unions organized a massive demonstration at City Hall when Mayor David Dinkins proposed removing NYPD representatives from the civilian review board. More recently, hundreds of officers turned their backs on Mayor Bill de Blasio during police funerals as retaliation for his statements about having conversations with his Black son about police interactions. These historical precedents suggest that Mamdani faces real political risk in attempting to implement the police reforms he promised.
Surveillance Technology and Gang Databases
Beyond stop-and-frisk, the NYPD operates a controversial Domain Awareness System that merges tens of thousands of cameras, facial recognition technology, license plate readers, and other surveillance tools. Amnesty International has characterized the facial recognition component as “digital stop and frisk.” The NYPD also maintains a gang database that civil rights organizations argue has been used to justify harassment of immigrant and communities of color, with data sometimes shared with Immigration and Customs Enforcement. For documentation of surveillance technology harms and accountability gaps, see the The City, which has conducted in-depth investigations of NYPD surveillance and enforcement practices. Mamdani has proposed eliminating the NYPD’s Special Response Group during his campaign, but has remained silent on this issue since taking office.
The Road Ahead for NYPD Reform
The federal monitor has made clear that the NYPD compliance process has extended beyond what she considers reasonable, stating “We are tired of monitoring the NYPD. It has been eleven years.” The deadline for improved compliance suggests that change must occur quickly if the Mamdani administration intends to avoid additional federal court intervention. Whether Mamdani can translate campaign promises into actual policy changeagainst the backdrop of police union opposition, the continuation of Police Commissioner Tisch, and the complexity of managing a major city police departmentremains an open question. The next months will test whether the mayor’s stated commitment to community safety through social investment rather than aggressive policing can overcome structural obstacles to reform.
