Staten Island’s Renewed Secession Push

Staten Island’s Renewed Secession Push After Mamdani Victory: A Political Divide Decades in the Making

In a dramatic political response to Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani’s historic victory, Staten Island lawmakers are once again pushing to break away from New York City, reviving a secession movement that has simmered for more than seven decades. The renewed effort highlights the growing ideological chasm between the city’s most conservative borough and the democratic socialist who will soon lead America’s largest metropolis.

Historic Referendum Resurfaces Amid Political Earthquake

State Senator Andrew Lanza, a Staten Island Republican who has championed secession legislation since 2008, announced he plans to “put the foot to the pedal” on his bill when the state legislature reconvenes in January. The timing is no coincidence. Mamdani’s election on November 4, 2025, represented a political earthquake that has left Staten Island’s Republican establishment reeling.

“The Democratic Socialist could not be further out of sync with the values of communities on Staten Island,” Lanza said, adding that Democrats may be less motivated to block the effort because losing Staten Island could make it even harder for the city to elect a Republican mayor in the future.

The numbers tell the story of Staten Island’s political isolation. While Mamdani won the citywide election with approximately 55% of the vote, Staten Island was the only one of New York City’s five boroughs to reject him. Former Governor Andrew Cuomo, running as an independent, won Staten Island with 55.4% of the vote, compared to just 22.7% for Mamdani and 21.3% for Republican Curtis Sliwa. The stark divergence underscores a fundamental question: Can Staten Island’s 500,000 residents coexist politically with a city government they increasingly view as hostile to their values?

A Symbolic Declaration With Revolutionary Echoes

On Friday, November 8, Assemblyman Sam Pirozzolo staged a rally at the former site of the Rose and Crown Tavern in New Dorp, the very location where British soldiers first read the Declaration of Independence to Staten Island residents on July 9, 1776. The historical parallel was deliberate.

Pirozzolo read a symbolic “Staten Island Independence Declaration,” saying he aimed to capitalize on Mamdani’s election. “We are not declaring war on Manhattan or the rest of New York City, but elections should have some consequences,” he declared to supporters who gathered at the Revolutionary War landmark.

The choice of venue carried weight. Staten Island has long viewed itself as the forgotten borough, a suburban enclave with more in common with New Jersey’s bedroom communities than with Brooklyn’s brownstones or Manhattan’s skyscrapers. Now, with a self-described democratic socialist about to take office, that sense of alienation has crystallized into action.

Policy Chasm: What Divides Staten Island From Mamdani

Mamdani’s platform represents perhaps the most progressive agenda ever advanced by a New York City mayoral candidate. The 34-year-old assemblymember from Queens campaigned on raising the local minimum wage to $30 by 2030, implementing rent freezes on rent-stabilized units, creating city-owned grocery stores, offering free public transit, providing universal childcare, and increasing taxes on corporations and high-income earners to fund expanded social programs including free tuition at CUNY and SUNY.

For Staten Island’s predominantly middle-class homeowners and small business owners, these proposals represent an existential threat to their economic interests. The borough has the highest percentage of Class 1 properties (one-, two-, and three-unit houses) in the city at 60%, and its residents already bear the highest effective property tax rates among homeowners citywide despite lower absolute values.

Staten Island’s business community views Mamdani’s socialist policies with particular alarm. The prospect of a $30 minimum wage, higher corporate taxes, and increased regulation has prompted warnings from business leaders about potential job losses and economic stagnation in a borough that has struggled with unemployment rates approaching 10% during economic downturns.

The 1993 Precedent: When Voters Said Yes But Albany Said No

This is not Staten Island’s first rodeo. The borough came closest to independence in 1993, when voters overwhelmingly backed a nonbinding secession referendum by 65%. The movement was fueled by anger over the Fresh Kills landfill, which had transformed Staten Island into New York City’s primary dumping ground since 1948, creating literal mountains of garbage that reached heights of 25 to 40 feet above sea level.

But the effort collapsed when then-Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver refused to advance the required home-rule message from the City Council. The movement was largely defused after Rudy Giuliani’s election as mayor that same year. Giuliani, who won Staten Island overwhelmingly, promised to close Fresh Kills and make the Staten Island Ferry free. He delivered on both promises, closing the landfill in 2001 and eliminating ferry fares in 1997.

According to Historic Richmond Town archives, Staten Island’s independence movement dates back even further. As early as 1900, local elected officials introduced bills to allow Staten Island residents to vote on secession measures. An article in the Chicago Tribune on May 18, 1900, titled “Staten Island in Revolt,” described how more than 200 Staten Islanders met to demand independence and “howled revolt” over what they viewed as increased taxation.

Less than 20 years after Staten Island became part of New York City in the 1898 consolidation, the issue of trash disposal led to a major clash. On May 3, 1916, more than 2,000 Staten Islanders crowded in and around City Hall in Manhattan to protest a proposed garbage disposal facility at Fresh Kills. Mayor Mitchel was “roundly hissed” at the Board of Estimate chamber, according to The Evening World.

Economic Reality Check: The Price of Independence

While political passion runs high, economic analysis presents sobering challenges for an independent Staten Island. The Independent Budget Office (IBO) released a comprehensive study in May 2024 examining the potential fiscal impacts of Staten Island secession.

In fiscal year 2022, Staten Island generated approximately $1.1 billion in property tax revenue out of $30 billion citywide. While this represents a substantial local tax base, IBO’s analysis concluded that maintaining services comparable to current New York City standards would require Staten Island to identify major additional revenue sources.

The challenge stems from economies of scale. An independent Staten Island would need to establish its own school district, library system, human services agencies, police force, fire department, sanitation services, and correctional facilities. The borough would lose the benefits of shared resources, including recruitment and training for uniformed personnel, waste export services, extensive library branch systems, and cable and communication franchise agreements.

A 1992 Mayor’s Task Force study estimated that maintaining comparable services would require approximately a 75% increase in property tax rates on Class 1 properties. While the IBO has not updated this specific estimate, Councilman Frank Morano, who is drafting legislation to study the economic impact of secession, acknowledges the fiscal challenges.

“This bill is meant to be a balanced approach,” Morano said. He estimates about 60% of his constituents support secession, but worries that a breakup could lead to higher taxes if the borough must create duplicate government services. “At the same time, I completely understand why so many people feel taken for granted by the rest of the city and want out.”

Political Pathway: A Narrow Route Through Albany

Lanza’s current legislation would bypass some of the obstacles that doomed the 1993 effort. His bill would not require approval from the New York City Council or a citywide referendum, relying instead solely on state legislative approval. However, Lanza said he would welcome letting Staten Islanders vote again on the issue.

The political calculation has shifted since 1993. Then-Assembly Speaker Silver blocked the measure partly because Democrats feared losing one of their core strongholds. Today, with Staten Island reliably Republican and Democrats controlling city government by wide margins without it, the political incentives have changed.

“Democrats may be less motivated to block the effort because losing Staten Island could make it even harder for the city to elect a Republican mayor,” Lanza noted, highlighting the party’s strategic calculus.

Yet significant hurdles remain. Any secession would require navigating complex legal questions about asset division, debt apportionment, and infrastructure ownership. Neither the 1992 studies nor the 2024 IBO analysis addressed how Staten Island would negotiate payment for its share of citywide infrastructure projects, from water tunnels to subway extensions.

Demographic Shifts Complicate The Picture

Staten Island’s political and demographic landscape has evolved considerably since 1993. According to City & State New York, about 80% of Staten Islanders were white when the 1993 referendum vote was taken. As of the 2020 census, that percentage has declined to just shy of 60%, with the share of Asian residents doubling since 2000.

This diversification has created new political dynamics. Religious leaders like Reverend Karen Jackson Pershing, co-chair of Staten Island Inter-Religious Leadership, represent a constituency less enthusiastic about secession. “I don’t fully know what’s in other people’s hearts and minds, but my impression is that it is a vocal minority,” Pershing said. “We know that’s not going to happen, and that there are many ways that we are connected to the New York City infrastructure that’s good for Staten Islanders.”

Democratic City Council Member Kamillah Hanks, while not supporting secession, acknowledged the value of studying the economic implications. “I believe a study to help us further understand the resources given to Staten Island, as well as its economic viability and positive impact in terms of revenue on the city as a whole, would be valuable,” Hanks told the Staten Island Advance in September.

The Size Question: Small Borough, Significant City

With roughly 500,000 residents, Staten Island is New York City’s smallest borough. However, as proponents of independence are quick to note, an independent Staten Island would become the second-largest municipality in New York state, trailing only New York City itself.

The borough would also rank larger than several major U.S. cities, including Miami (population 449,000), Tampa (384,000), Oakland (440,000), and Cleveland (372,000). This comparative size analysis features prominently in secession advocates’ arguments that Staten Island possesses the population base to function as a viable independent city.

The Business Community’s Divided Response

Initial fears of a corporate exodus from New York City under Mamdani’s leadership have not materialized, according to prominent real estate executives. At CNBC’s Delivering Alpha conference on November 14, Scott Rechler, CEO of RXR, and Bill Rudin, co-executive chairman of Rudin Management, reported seeing no pullback in commercial leasing activity or building investments since Mamdani’s election became likely.

“New York City is back,” Rechler said. “In our business right now, we are seeing CEO after CEO committing to the city. We’re seeing a record level of leasing in office buildings. And it’s not just for next year, it’s for 2028, 2030, 2032.”

However, Rechler noted concerns among overseas institutional investors, particularly regarding Mamdani’s rent freeze proposals. “When I leave the city and travel the world, they all have this big anxiety,” he said. “They hear ‘rent freeze,’ just hear that word, and maybe there is a pullback there.”

National Implications: What Mamdani’s Victory Signals

The Staten Island secession movement exists within a broader national context of democratic socialist political success. Mamdani’s victory represents the biggest win for progressives since Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s upset victory over 10-term incumbent Democratic Rep. Joe Crowley in 2018.

Ashik Siddique, a national co-chair of the Democratic Socialists of America, called Mamdani’s election a “very powerful way forward” and evidence that “democratic socialist ideas are very popular.” The organization is already using the victory in recruitment efforts.

But the political landscape remains divided. A CBS News poll conducted in late October found that just 22% of Democrats nationwide think the party should move toward socialist positions, while 60% said their party’s economic positions should reflect a mixture of socialist and capitalist ideas.

National Republican strategists view Mamdani’s victory as a political opportunity. Mike Marinella, spokesman for the National Republican Congressional Committee, said Mamdani’s platform gives Republicans “a pretty potent set of weapons” to use against Democrats in battleground districts. “Every House Democrat is foolishly complicit in their party’s collapse, and voters will make them pay in 2026,” Marinella said.

What Happens Next: Legislative Timeline and Political Will

Lanza’s legislation will face its first real test when the New York State Legislature reconvenes in January 2026. While the political environment may be more favorable than in 1993, success remains far from certain.

Governor Kathy Hochul, who eventually endorsed Mamdani after initially remaining neutral, would need to sign any secession bill that passes the legislature. Her position remains unclear, though she has not publicly supported the effort.

Morano’s competing legislation, which would require New York City to conduct a neutral cost-benefit analysis of secession without taking a position on the merits, may offer a middle path. By providing concrete economic data, the study could either strengthen the case for independence or demonstrate its fiscal impossibility.

“Staten Island should be able to decide its own fate,” Morano said. “It’s the most frustrating thing in the world for Staten Islanders to vote for elected officials, vote for certain policies, and no matter how we vote, we are dismissed by policymakers by the rest of the city.”

Historical Precedent and Constitutional Constraints

The legal framework for municipal secession in New York is complex and largely untested. Article 4, Section 3 of the United States Constitution stipulates that “no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State” without consent of both the affected state legislatures and Congress. While Staten Island secession would create a new city rather than a new state, the principle of requiring multiple levels of governmental approval applies.

New York has a history of secession movements and partition proposals, though most have failed. The state of Vermont successfully separated from New York in 1791, representing the only successful secession in state history. Other proposals including a state of Long Island, a state called Niagara in western New York, and making New York City itself a separate state have all foundered.

Interestingly, during the crisis period immediately preceding the American Civil War, Democratic Mayor Fernando Wood proposed New York City’s secession as a sovereign city-state called the Free City of Tri-Insula, incorporating Manhattan, Long Island, and Staten Island. The idea proved too radical even in the turmoil of 1861 and was poorly received after the bombardment of Fort Sumter.

The Forgotten Borough’s Future

Whether Staten Island’s renewed secession push succeeds or fails, it represents a deeper crisis of political representation and urban governance. The borough’s residents feel increasingly alienated from a city government they view as unresponsive to their concerns and hostile to their values.

Mamdani will take office on January 1, 2026, as New York City’s 111th mayor, its first Muslim mayor, and its youngest in over a century. His administration will face the immediate challenge of governing a city where one entire borough has publicly declared its desire to leave.

The new mayor has shown some willingness to moderate his positions and work with business interests, according to commercial real estate executives who have met with him. Bill Rudin noted that Mamdani “has pulled back from the position of having government wholly dictate housing, and has expressed willingness to work with the private sector.”

But for Staten Island’s secession advocates, tactical moderation is not enough. They see Mamdani’s election as validation of their long-held belief that Staten Island’s political future lies outside New York City’s borders.

As Pirozzolo declared at the November 8 rally, invoking the Revolutionary spirit of 1776: “Elections should have some consequences.” For Staten Island, those consequences may include the borough’s most serious attempt at independence since voters said yes in 1993, only to be told no by Albany.

The coming year will determine whether this renewed push represents the beginning of a genuine path to independence, or simply another chapter in Staten Island’s 125-year-old story as New York City’s eternally frustrated, forever forgotten borough.